Let $X$ be the number of possible baskets of goods that one can buy from a Walmart Superstore. Even if there were only 1,000 distinct items and we could only buy at most one of each item, that'd be $2^{1000}$ possible baskets. (Note that $X \gg 2^{1000}>10^{300}\gg10^{100}>$ "any estimate of the number of particles in the universe".)
Even as a normative matter, it is debatable whether a perfectly rational being "should" have a complete preference ordering over these $X$ baskets.
But as a positive matter, many (if not all) human beings will not have a complete preference ordering over these $X$ baskets.
(Continued discussion of example.)
... Certainly not in their heads. And not on paper either.
Suppose we sat a bunch of human beings down. Ask each to go through a mere ten million of the $\left(\begin{array}{c}
X\\
2
\end{array}\right)$ possible pairwise comparisons of baskets.
Insist that for each pair of baskets, she must choose to agree with exactly one of the following statements: (i) I strictly prefer the first basket to the second; (ii) I strictly prefer the second to the first; (iii) I am exactly indifferent between the two.
Give her as much time as she needs to be absolutely sure and absolutely honest about each choice. (The flippant economist asked to do this exercise may simply and dishonestly claim that he's indifferent between all baskets, just so he doesn't violate the completeness axiom. But let's assume our subjects are all absolutely honest and carefully consider each choice.)
Then repeat the same exercise (i.e. go through all ten million pairwise comparisons again).
We will certainly discover some inconsistencies. That is, we'll certainly find for example that for some pair of baskets of goods $y$ and $z$, someone said $y \succ z$ the first time round but $z \prec y$ the second time round.
Now, the economist may say that: (1) she made a mistake; or (2) her preferences changed between the first and second runs of the exercise.
But I think there is a simpler and broader explanation that subsumes both of these explanations: This individual simply doesn't have a complete preference ordering over the $X$ Walmart baskets.
More examples from other economists/decision theorists/philosophers. The first two are similar to the above.
Anand (1987):
Surely the interpretation that a consumer has, in his or her head (or on paper) a complete ordering of all possible pairs of choice objects is unacceptable. A shopping list for seven items with a choice between two brands for each would require 91 pairwise comparisons.
On a similar note, Thrall (1954, p. 183):
From the practical point of view, if the number of judgments needed is finite but large, there is still the time difficulty. By the time the judge has reached the 1,000,000th choice, his standards of comparison are almost certainly not the same as initially.
Aumann (1962):
Or he might be willing to make rough preference statements such as, "I prefer a cup of cocoa to a 75-25 lottery of coffee and tea, but reverse my preference if the ratio is 25-75"; but he might be unwilling to fix the break-even point between coffee-tea lotteries and cocoa any more precisely. Is it "rational" to force decisions in such cases?
The last class of examples is of the Sophie's Choice variety. Not surprisingly, these examples are pursued largely by philosophers who argue (contra economists) that there is a real distinction between indifference and incomparability (or incommensurability, though naturally philosophers split hairs over whether these two terms are the same).
Putnam (1986)
I may be quite sure that if I choose the hedonistic-sensual may of life, I would prefer to have a beautiful and responsive lover to a plain and unresponsive one. Call these choices x and y, and let z be the ascetic-religious life. If I regard the two ways of life as "incomparable", then I might insist that, prior to my making my existential choice, ~xPz& ~zPx, and also ~yPz& ~zPy
See also Putnam (2004).
Raz (1986, pp. 341-2) similarly compares a teaching and a legal career.
Another perhaps distinct line of research is that initiated by Slovic and Lichtenstein (1971, etc.) and goes by the name of "Preference Reversals". These could arguably also be examples of incomplete preferences. The following example is from Tversky & Thaler (1990, JEP Anomalies article):
Imagine, if you will, that you have been asked to advise the Minister of
Transportation for a small Middle Eastern country regarding the choice of a highway safety program. At the current time, about 600 people per year are killed in traffic accidents in that country. Two programs designed to reduce the number of casualties are under consideration. Program A is expected to reduce the yearly number of casualities to 570; its annual cost is estimated at \$12 million. Program B is expected to reduce the yearly number of casualities to 500; its annual cost is estimated at \$55 million. The Minister tells you to find out which program would make the electorate happier.
You hire two polling organizations. The first firm asks a group of citizens which program they like better. It finds that about two-thirds of the respondents prefer Program B which saves more lives, though at a higher cost per life saved. The other firm uses a "matching" procedure. It presents respondents with the same information about the two programs except that the cost of Program B is not specified. These citizens are asked to state the cost that would make the two programs equally attractive. The polling firm reasons that respondents' preferences for the two programs can be inferred from their responses to this question. That is, a respondent who is indifferent between the two programs at a cost of less than \$55 million should prefer A to B. On the other hand, someone who would be willing to spend over \$55 million should prefer Program B. This survey finds, however, that more than 90 percent of the respondents provided values smaller than \$55 million indicating, in effect, that they prefer Program A over Program B.
This pattern is definitely puzzling. When people are asked to choose between a pair of options, a clear majority favors B over A. When asked to price these options, however, the overwhelming majority give values implying a preference for A over B. Indeed, the implicit value of human life derived from the simple choice presented by the first firm is more than twice that derived from the matching procedure used by the other firm.